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IV The interval between this last trip and his next was full of satisfaction for Mauch. He had left Thorndale for Natal, but his fame as the discoverer of gold "up North" had spread before him like wildfire. Here it must be mentioned that Mauch was never out to make a fortune; he was too fanatical an explorer, and not for a moment did he consider accepting the offer of chairmanship of a goldmining company that was to be floated in Natal for the exploitation of the northern gold-fields.
To his pleasant surprise he learned that the money collected for him in Germany by Dr. Petermann had, at last, arrived. Now he was able to equip himself with everything he needed for his future expeditions.
Of the 1, Thaler approximately he spent only 70 for personal effects, the rest he used to buy surveying and astronomical instruments. He was befriended by the Colonial Secretary for Natal, Mr. Erskine, who helped him along in every way and also enabled him to check all his instruments at the Pietermaritzburg observatory. During this time Mauch contacted Erskine's son, St. Vincent, a surveyor by profession, and they decided to undertake a journey to the north of the Limpopo together later in the year.
His intention was to walk from Potchefstroom via Lydenburg to Inhambane and from there to follow Rita Montanha's route of to the Zoutpansberg and from there, once more, across the Limpopo and on to Inyati from where he intended eventually to advance to the Equator.
From this plan it does not appear that he lived in terrible fear of the Matebele, for he certainly could not expect to visit Inyati without Mosilikatse being aware of his presence there. Beside St. Vincent Erskine there was another man who wished to take part in this journey, a newcomer to Africa, Paul Jebe from Schleswig in Germany, a highly-cultured civil engineer, who also had been fascinated by the free life and the adventures of African wanderings into the unknown.
Jebe died of blackwater fever two years later near the Umfuli as a member of G. Wood's disastrous hunting party. Mauch and his companions started on their way to Lydenburg and remained there at Merensky's mission station for a while.
On this occasion Jebe and Erskine named the highest peak in the Drakensberg "Mauch Berg", by which name this mountain is known to this day. This, now, is mere supposition, but it appears that the rather Teutonic atmosphere of the mission station may have raised doubts in St.
Vincent Erskine as to whether it was worth his while to spend weeks and months in the bush in company of the two Germans. On such a trip, more so than on any other occasion, familiarity breeds contempt and nerves become easily frayed.
The bare fact is that at Lydenburg Erskine left the party and set off by himself to explore the Limpopo delta. As usual, Mauch describes in his letters and in his journals only what had happened to him personally, what he had done or suffered and, for all one can learn from his writings, he might as well have been travelling all by himself. All we know from Mauch concerning the unfortunate Jebe is, that he gave him his marching orders when they reached Inyati as Jebe was a spoilt "softy" and not fit to take part in such a trip through the wilderness.
From Lydenburg Mauch and Jebe started on their journey north, passed Origstad which then was deserted because of its unhealthy climate. They descended the steep fall of the Quathlamba range into the low veld of what is now the southern region of the Kruger Park. Mauch made frequent topographical and geological observations along the whole of the route and he elaborates on the hardships he had to suffer and how little food he was able to obtain.
A pack-ox which had been given to him by Merensky and Nachtigal at Lydenburg fell victim to the tsetse just short of the Limpopo and his only dog also died of hunger! The description of this particular trip, though extremely interesting in various details, is, on the whole, one long and sustained tale of woe.
Proceeding along the Bubye, north of the Limpopo, they came to a country in the grip of a prolonged drought and they certainly must have suffered many privations. The local inhabitants had not enough food for themselves as game had been almost killed off, so that Mauch and Jebe were reduced to subsisting Mauch even states that he was forced by hunger to eat the soles of his shoes which were made of buffalo-hide.
About half-way between the Limpopo and Inyati the travellers met with a party of roving Matebele who promptly took Mauch and Jebe prisoners. Mosilikatse had previously had troubles with Dutch poachers in that part of his country and consequently had closed it completely to travellers. The Matabele at once marched Mauch and Jebe to Inyati, in a great hurry and almost without a stop. This had one advantage, in that poor Mauch no longer had to go hungry, for his captors knew only too well how to obtain food from the wretched Makalanga.
Yet Mauch was very unhappy and cross because he was never given a chance to make topographical observations on this last part of his expedition; neither could he gather any information about the rumoured Egyptian ruins that he thought were close by. Arrived at Inyati, he found that the Rev.
Sykes had left the country and that Mr. Thomas was in charge of the station. Thomas advised Mauch against leaving the country before the new Matabele king had been installed.
Mosilikatse had died two months earlier, so Mauch settled down at the mission station for an indefinite period, but he was soon summoned to appear before N'gumbat, the induna in charge of affairs of state during the interregnum.
He was very scared for, as he writes, he suspected that Jan Viljoen had intrigued against him while the old king was still alive. He covered the distance of 45 miles from Inyati to the royal kraal in two days, expecting the worst, but, apart As Mauch had been brought to Inyati together with Jebe, it is reasonable to assume that the latter also had to appear before N'gumbat, yet in typical Mauchian fashion Jebe is not even mentioned by Mauch any further, except when he tells that he sent Jebe on his way at Inyati.
As Mauch had received funds from Germany in he was now free to explore the unknown interior whenever he thought it time to do so and wherever his fancy took him.
At the back of his mind existed the plan to advance eventually across the Zambezi right up to the equator. His trip to Inyati would merely be the first step. As the journey was done on foot with only a few porters, he had, before he set out with Jebe from the Republic, arranged to have his heavy luggage sent on to Inyati by any hunting party proceeding north to Mosilikatse's.
He was convinced that he would find all his boxes waiting for him, but this arrangement came to nothing for he soon realised that his goods not only had not arrived in Matabeleland but had never been despatched there at all. Therefore he was more or less stranded at Inyati, for the rainy season was about to begin. He made some short trips to the north and east of the station, the farthest up to the Umniati, but continuous rains made it impossible for him to do any serious topographical work.
At the mission station he was able to make improvements and to add fresh details to his map of all the parts of Central Africa that he had travelled over during the two trips with Hartley, from the Umfuli in the north down to the Magalisberg in the south. In his letters and reports to Dr. Petermann in Gotha and to missionary Nachtigal in Lydenburg, Mauch describes the country and its inhabitants, both the Mashona and the Matabele, in a very interesting way and his pen-picture of the old Mosilikatse is of great historical importance, while his adventure with elephants is written with a quite unexpected sense of humour.
After the royal succession had been settled and Lobengula installed as king, Mauch managed to accompany a wagon-party leaving for the south and he returned safely to Potchefstroom, without giving any information as to the people who made up this party.
V Karl Mauch had a difficult character, to say the least, but one must not judge him by any common standard. He had grown out of his native, small environment when still a boy, and, on becoming a school teacher he should have reached the height of his possibilities. Yet he was not satisfied and his ambition spurred him on to greater things. He was an autodidact and, with his somewhat limited educational background, he was bound to suffer from a feeling of inferiority later on when he met and mixed with more cultured people.
He was destined to become a very lonely man, being unable to get on with hardly anyone because of his arrogance Of loyalty to his fellow men, except possibly Dr. Petermann, whom he must have felt was the man who helped him to fame, he knew nothing. It becomes evident from his writings that only he himself, and his Fatherland, mattered to him. As frequent outbursts of emotionalism and sentimentality are to be found in the pages of Mauch's two diaries it is all the more strange that he not once mentions his old parents at home, and it is evident that during all his years in Africa he never wrote a letter to them.
A letter by his old father to Dr. Petermann, asking him for a copy of all reports in the Mittheilungen concerning his son, makes pathetic reading. The old man writes that he had never had any news at all from Karl and that, with his meagre pension, he was unable to pay for a subscription to the Geographische Mittheilungen. When Mauch finally returned to Germany he first went to meet Dr. Petermann in Gotha without even letting his parents know that he was back again. Mauch's lack of gratitude has already been mentioned, but his abuse of almost all of his travel companions as well as of people who helped him along, like Albasini, Leal and Render is, at times, almost unbelievable.
His capacity for hate knows no bounds. In his diaries he expresses in no uncertain manner his distaste for the English, the Boers, the Portuguese, not to mention the Africans whom he simply calls a "bestial race". One wonders what all these thought of Herr Mauch! While one cannot help admiring Mauch's topographical and geological work, his conduct in the veld and in the field of human relations has nothing endearing about it.
That the still very primitive Africans with whom he came in contact and among whom he had to live at times, ran rings around him, goes almost without saying. Mauch's weak points must have been just too obvious to these intuitive black people, the more so, as Mauch often appears to have been rather scared of them.
Physically Mauch was extremely well fitted for his work. He was exceptionally tall, broad-shouldered, immensely strong and of perfect health, at least during his first four years in Africa. He was full of energy and hardships meant little to him as long as he had not to go hungry. Unfortunately, he often ran out of food on his journeys, as his frequent laments in his journals show time and again.
Mauch's last journey from the Transvaal Republic to Sena eventually made him known to a wider public, for, on this trip he "discovered" the Zimbabwe ruins, or, rather, he was the first white man to give a factual description of the ruins to the world. Except for excerpts of Mauch's letters to Petermann, Merensky, Gruetzner and Nachtigal which Petermann deemed suitable for publication in his Mittheilungen and in the Ergaenzungsheft of , everything else that was known about him stems from Mager's biography of the explorer, published in Mager, obviously, must have had access to the diaries as he mentions several episodes of Mauch's travels which are not found in Petermann's earlier reports.
The German explorer had to be presented as a kind of national hero and, therefore, everything that would show up the explorer's inherent weaknesses had, naturally, to be kept out of any biographical study. Now, almost a hundred years after Mauch's wanderings in Central Africa, it is he himself who allows one to form an unbiased opinion of his character.
On his last journey from the Zoutpansberg to Quelimane Mauch kept two diaries. One contained his rough notes, jotted down while actually travelling. This "Rough Journal", as he called it, consists of loose leaves, now partly damaged by moisture.
At intervals, or whenever he had time to spare, he used these notes to write his final journals, adding further details or descriptions of various incidents that had occurred since his last entry.
From the first entry in his Journal 3, dated 30th September, , to the last one in Journal 4 of the 5th October, , he reveals himself as being a very controversial individual and it becomes evident that towards the end of his African adventures the hardships of his journeys and a mysterious illness had definitely reduced his intellectual powers to an extent that must have puzzled and shocked Dr.
Petermann when he met Mauch for the first time on his return to Germany. By then Mauch was no longer the heroic discoverer of Zimbabwe who had been held up as an example of German enterprise and toughness in adversity, but a poor, confused wreck of a man who could not possibly be integrated into the society to which he had always tried so hard to belong. Journal No. He met with all kinds of odd people on isolated farms and, although hardly any reminiscences of these meetings appear in his journals, he must have remembered many incidents which he told Dr.
Petermann later on and of which Petermann made us when editing the Ergaenzungsheft. Mauch was always at his happiest when he could stay with some German missionaries, of whom there were quite a number spread over the country, and, as this was just at the time when Prussia had invaded France there were always ample reasons for the patriotic discussions of which he was so fond. Not much contact, however, did he have with the simple farmers of the backveld whom he could hardly understand; neither could these make out what kind of man this bearded giant was, who tramped the wild country on foot.
A thing no self-respecting Boer would ever dream of doing. Mauch clearly did not like the Afrikaners as a whole, but this dislike appears to have been mutual as he frequently met with a very unkind reception when he approached one of these lonely farmsteads.
However, he did not complete the map until , when he sent it off to Dr. Petermann while he was on his way to the north and to Zimbabwe.
It is unfortunate that Mauch had neither the will nor did he feel the urge to portray any of the personalities he came in touch with, for in between his topographical excursions he met almost every well-known man in the Republic: Pretorius, Burger, Kruger and many others.
In the first half of there was a Portuguese mission Commission for the Colonisation of the Portuguese Possessions on the Zambesi headed by the Governor of Quelimane, Barahona de Costa, in the capital, Pretoria, and matters concerning the two countries were discussed with Pretorius and his cabinet.
Whether Mauch really was asked to act on behalf of the government is not clear, for he certainly never mentions that he reported back to the President on his return from that trip. Mauch set out from Pretoria in the company of Lt. Leal, a member of the government delegation, on the 8th June, These two men were not exactly a well-matched pair.
Paul Jebe comes to one's mind! Mauch, in typical manner, gives one to understand that this was his expedition and that he was burdened with Leal's company. From Lydenburg the route passed through the recently occupied New Scotland present-day Swaziland in which many Scots farmers had been settled according to McCorkindale's scheme.
Near Derby he met St. Vincent Erskine again, but he hardly mentions his erstwhile friend. As always, Mauch was very observant on this trip and his description of the region, its fauna, flora and geological peculiarities are of great interest and his description of a particular hunting adventure is decidedly comical. He had almost been trampled by buffaloes, missed a rietbuck at point-blank range, finally shot some feathers off a bustard and then ended up in felling a sapling with one bullet, returning to camp hungry and, therefore, in a very unpleasant mood.
He complains bitterly of the length of time the party took for this trip: 83 days, of which only 35 were spent in travelling. His entry in the journal when I am free of his Leal's company! Because of the unhealthy climate the Portuguese lived there without their wives and Mauch is terribly shocked at the moral debasement of these white colonists.
Even the Governor himself kept a black "housekeeper" in place of an understanding housewife! He stayed with the Governor for three weeks and left for his walk to Lydenburg on the 29th August, not without emotionally mentioning the almost tearful farewell from his good friend Leal. It is from this date on that Mauch appears to become more and more inconsistent, more emotional and confused in his writings.
On his march back to the Republic he is at great pains to describe the agonies of hunger he had to suffer and that he was without any food at all for six days.
Yet he also writes that on the third day of absolute starvation he had shot a francolin and made "delicious soup" of it. It may also be doubted whether his porters would have carried on with him without getting any food for six whole days. It was just then that Mauch felt that something was not as it should be with his physical condition. For the first time he appears to have realised that even a physically powerful and healthy man is not immune to the ravages of tropical Africa.
He felt feverish, but knowing that he was not far from Lydenburg where he would get attention from the good missionaries, he forced his march, only to collapse shortly before reaching the first farm on his route. His porters had to carry him to the homestead. He was immediately transported by cart to the mission station at Lydenburg where he was nursed back to health by the resident missionary, Herr Doering. In the second week of October Mauch travelled to Pretoria on the wagon of a Dutch clergyman.
In his journal he expresses his eternal gratitude to Herr Doering, as he had saved his life. It is strange to note in this respect that Herr Doering is never mentioned by name in either the Ergaenzungsheft or in Mager's biography. In both these works it is simply stated that Mauch was helped by a missionary at Lydenburg, yet, both Petermann and Mager had access to Mauch's journals.
Mager even goes so far as to suggest in an additional note that this missionary probably was Herr Nachtigal! There are no entries in Mauch's journal from the 16th September, , to the 3rd April, Mauch recuperated during this interval, however, in a most original manner, for in December he started on a solitary boat trip down the Vaal River from its junction with the Mooi River to Hebron, a distance of approximately miles.
His friend, Mr. Forssman, had intended to descend the Vaal on a large raft Fearing possible ship-wreck he did not take his journal with him, but after he had returned safely on foot to Potchefstroom, he wrote a lengthy letter about his excursion to Dr. Petermann which subsequently appeared in the Mittheilungen of In his description of the boat trip he shows himself again a very observant traveller. The manner in which he paints a picture of the riverine landscape and, especially, its bird life has great charm.
Mauch used the time in between short excursions to formulate and perfect his plans for the future. He was still intent on exploring the unknown north he even hoped to progress as far as the Equator.
In the meantime, however, he had become fascinated by reports and tales of mysterious ancient towns in "Banyailand" across the Limpopo. That extensive ruins of a town, built in stone, did exist north of that river was not only guessed but known for certain as quite a few black hunters had been there and had reported on them. But no white man had as yet given any evidence of having seen them, though it may well be that some inarticulate Dutch hunters had seen the ruins during a hunting expedition across the Limpopo.
However, the ruins were believed to be relics of either an Egyptian or Sabaean period of occupation. This conformed, of course, with the romantic notions of the mid-nineteenth century. All these tales and theories greatly influenced Mauch's plans. He just had to be the discoverer of the ruins during his journey to the north.
He paid another visit to Merensky at Botsabelo, near Lydenburg, and stayed there for about a month. Merensky was well aware of the existence of the fabled ruins. He himself had attempted to reach them a few years earlier but was obliged to abandon his trip because of an outbreak of smallpox in the valley of the Limpopo and the resulting unwillingness of his porters to proceed any further.
At Botsabelo Mauch's plans took on definite shape and, as Merensky was unable to travel with him because of troubles with the surrounding tribes, he proposed to set out by himself. In the meantime he had acquired all the trade goods he thought necessary for his long trip, but as he intended to travel light as far as the Zoutpansberg, he sent his luggage ahead directly to Albasini's residence, east of Schoemansdal on the south slope of the mountains. As he writes, besides earnest discussions of the ruins and their origin, the favourite theme was the Franco-Prussian war, and patriotic feeling must have run high.
On the 9th May he started for the north in a straight line for the Zoutpansberg. But he had not reckoned with Chief Masserumule's hostility towards all missionaries and people who he thought were connected with them for, on arriving at the chief's kraal, he was not even admitted to his presence and neither guides nor porters could Mauch obtain.
There was nothing else to do but to return to Botsabelo and to start afresh on a different and longer route. Mauch All went well till, in the vicinity of Makapansgaat, the box containing his scientific instruments fell off the wagon and most of the instruments were severely damaged.
This, of course, was a great and serious loss for him as now, once again, just as on his first journeys with Hartley, he had to rely for any observations solely on his pocket compass. Mauch stayed with Gruetzner for several days and then he learned that the Rev. Hofmeyr would be passing by on his way to his station, McKidds, at the foot of the Zoutpansberg. When this gentleman arrived Mauch was invited to accompany him on his wagon. Arrived at the deserted Schoemansdal Mauch took the road to the right and reached Albasini's place on the 27th June.
Albasini was surely one of the most picturesque characters living south of the Limpopo in the second half of the nineteenth century. He was the son of an Italian merchant-navy captain who had left him in in Lourengo Marques to explore the hinterland with a view to starting up a trading post there.
Albasini settled first on the Sabi River east of Lydenburg, but after a few years he moved on to the Zoutpansberg where he conducted every kind of business, legal or not so legal, traded in white and black ivory and even became the chief of a Knobnose clan. He also held the position of a Portuguese Consul, though for what reason nobody seems to know as the Zoutpansberg and the Spelonken district had never really come under effective administration of the Transvaal Republic.
He was more or less king in this part of the country and was certainly at times a thorn in the side of the Transvaal authorities.
Nevertheless, as long as he was left in peace or, rather, was allowed to do what he liked, he never interfered directly with the Boers and their non-existent administration of this north-eastern corner of the Republic. Albasini had built for himself a veritable castle, impregnable to any native force. According to Mauch, this fort must have been a unique structure with towers at all the four corners and in place of a pair of real cannon Albasini had two large iron cooking-pots placed above the main entrance.
To this fort Mauch had sent his effects which, on his arrival, he found in good order. He stayed with Albasini for almost a month as his guest. He completed there his comprehensive map of the Republic and sent it off to Dr. He also wrote to St. Vincent Erskine, asking him to forward a new set of instruments to be paid for by a draft on Petermann. When Mauch had time on his hands he liked to write about all sorts of subjects and in his journal he paints a very interesting picture of Albasini's fort and the people living in and around it except of his host.
Mauch appears to have been too engrossed with his own person to have been able to describe and characterise any white man he came in contact with.
To state the name and, possibly, the profession of any of his companions was good enough for him and so one need not search his writings for any personal details of his "friends" who, in any case, sooner or later became his enemies! Now that he was about to leave the Transvaal for good, he felt it his duty to pronounce judgement on the Boers among whom he had lived for five years.
He does this in a rather unpleasant manner. Under the heading "Bad Times" he strongly criticises the way the Boers were running their state, accuses the authorities of corruption, ridicules their commandos and describes at length the abomination of the alleged traffic in slaves.
Though he may not be entirely wrong in all of his criticisms, as a parting gesture this essay is typically "Mauch"! While staying with Albasini he put all his effects in order and bought some more trade goods, but he had some difficulties in getting the nine porters he needed for his journey. He also describes touchingly how he was able to free five children from beyond the Limpopo who had been kidnapped and how he was going to take them with him to restore them to their families.
At long last he was ready to start on his historic journey into the unknown. He left Albasini on the 30th July, , accompanied by his nine porters, one guide and interpreter and the five wretched children.
The last paragraph in his Journal No. May God help me! XXII, No. It mentions the road links with Rhodesia and also the air links through such organisations as Rhodesia and Nyasaland Airways and Central African Airways. At present it aims to provide rapid links with neighbouring countries such as Rhodesia rather than to establish a comprehensive internal system. There are articles on the grasslands of Malawi, reptiles, cattle in Malawi and an interesting study on the rice development scheme on Lake Chilwa.
Here, demonstrators from Taiwan work plots side by side with Malawian plotholders. During its brief existence, however, it acted as agents for the visiting "barnstormer" pilots Thompson and Rutherford, who toured Southern and Northern Rhodesia during the period 23rd May to 8th October, , and whose Avro K aeroplane "Rhodesia" was the first ever seen by thousands of Rhodesians and conveyed hundreds on their first flight.
Miller, D. A little over two months later, on 13th August, , the company's only aircraft an Avro named "Matabele" sustained moderate damage while attempting to take off from an improvised landing ground at Rusape.
The machine was never repaired, and the company went into liquidation soon afterwards. Then came a five-year aeronautical vacuum in Rhodesia during which the sole activity seems to have amounted to a sum total of three aircraft which passed through Bulawayo.
In July two D. Then, in January Mr. Such was Rhodesia's aeronautical background when, early in , Captain J. Douglas Mail, A. Cairns' Motor and Cycle Supply Co. For several weeks he devoted his spare time to unpacking and assembling his aeroplane at the home of Mr. Aston Redrup, another enthusiast for aviation. The Rhodesian Aviation Syndicate has been formed, chiefly financed by Mr.
Harry L. Stewart, Filabusi mine-owner and rancher. Other members are Mr. Hay, Capt. Mail and Mr. Redrup Secretary ; Mr. John Coghlan is acting in a legal capacity.
The three-seater aeroplane was the property of Captain Mail. Norman swung the propeller and then got into the front seat. Must be only about four left in the world. Hammond, headmaster of Plumtree School.
Captain Mail and his passenger took off from Bulawayo race-course in the D. One of the aircraft's wings sustained slight damage, and they had to walk back some miles to Bellevue suburb.
The damaged aircraft was transported back to Bulawayo, where it was stored at the Drill Hall, pending repairs. But it never flew again, and it seems to be generally accepted that the machine was under-powered for successful operation at Bulawayo average elevation 4, ft. As Mr. Hay was in London at the time, the syndicate cabled him requesting that he order a Moth aircraft from de Havillands to replace the D.
At about this time, too, it was arranged that the syndicate would assume the agency for the de Havilland Company in Southern and Northern Rhodesia. This was reported to be the first de Havilland franchise in Southern Africa.
While in London Mr. Presumably this meant that he made an unsuccessful attempt to touch them for some financial assistance on behalf of the syndicate. Those present: Mr. Francois Issels Chairman , Dr. Freeze, Messrs. Thornton, J. Coghlan, Major C. Newman, Captain J. Mail, Major Grant Duncan and Mr. Aston Redrup, Secretary of the Rhodesian The resolution was adopted that 'a limited liability company be formed to carry on aviation in all its branches in Southern Rhodesia, Northern Rhodesia, Union of South Africa and elsewhere'.
Provisional directors to be Messrs. John Austen Que Que , J. Bookless, A. Hay, F. Issels, H. Stewart, A. Thornton, Dr. Mail and Major C. Aston Redrup to be Secretary, Mr. Coghlan legal adviser and Messrs. But these plans did not materialise; the projected company did not come into being until nearly two years later, and then, in modified form.
The Moth aircraft ordered by Mr. Hay was shipped to Durban and flown from there to Bulawayo by Captain Mail, arriving on 30th December. Later it was given the name "Bulawayo". On 11th January, , the new aeroplane was chartered by Mr. Harry Crewe, brother of Mr. Crewe of Nantwich Ranch in the Wankie district, to fly him urgently to the ranch. This was probably the first aircraft private A month later, on 12th February, Captain Mail flew the Moth to Salisbury, where he made some local sight-seeing flights and gave a display of aerobatics, possibly the first ever seen by residents of the capital.
At the end of February Douglas Mail 2 left the Rhodesian Aviation Syndicate and joined the Aircraft Operating Company, which had secured the contract for an extensive aerial photographic survey in the western province of Northern Rhodesia. The post of survey pilot had become available due to the resignation of Captain Roxburgh-Smith, who had been employed by that company for the previous nine months or so, and was now returning to the United Kingdom.
Shortly after taking off the aircraft hit a tree and crashed in as reported by the Bulawayo Chronicle "thick bush half a mile beyond the new Milton School". Neither pilot nor passenger sustained serious injury, but the machine was wrecked and the syndicate was now without an aircraft.
It seems likely that it was also without a pilot, for nothing more appears to have been heard of Mr. Wright in Rhodesian aviation circles. During the third week of March Sir Alan Cobham visited the Rhodesias for discussions with the respective governments in connection with the trans- Africa air route in which the United Kingdom Government was interested, but these talks do not appear to have produced any noticeable results.
Thereafter matters remained static for some months Towards the end of December Mr. Issels, Chairman of the Rhodesian Aviation Syndicate, who had just returned from a visit to the United Kingdom, summarised the situation in the words: "Aviation in Rhodesia This company, whose principals were Sir Alan Cobham and Mr.
The situation was clarified by a letter which appeared in the Bulawayo Chronicle of 24th January, , above the signature of Mr. Great credit is due to Mr. C, who, after a distinguished record in the First World War, came, in , to Rhodesia where, for a few years, he farmed near Bulawayo.
In September he sold the farm and returned to England, where he took a refresher flying course with the London Aeroplane Club and qualified for his "A" private pilot's licence. As a "B" commercial pilot's licence was required for this work, he took tests at Roberts Heights, Pretoria, and was issued with the first commercial flying licence in South Africa. As related earlier, after flying with the survey company in Northern Rhodesia for some months, Roxburgh-Smith returned to England, where he took the opportunity to meet Sir Alan Cobham and Mr.
Cobham and Blackburn, evidently impressed by his aeronautical experience, and his knowledge of conditions in Africa, were agreeable and appointed him as their representative in the company which was to be formed. Directors were: Mr. Issels Chairman , Mr. Cecil Roberts, Major C. Newman, Mr. Stewart and Captain B. Aston Redrup. The company was formally registered on 17th April, , but owing to a serious delay in the delivery of the "Bluebird", the commencement of flying operations had perforce to be postponed.
Early in June, since there was still no sign of the promised "Bluebird", and a considerable amount of potential business was being lost, a second-hand Avro Avian aircraft was purchased from the Johannesburg Light Plane Club; this machine arrived in Bulawayo on 13th June, and was immediately flown up to Livingstone, where it was put to work operating "flips" over the Victoria Falls. On the delivery flight he was accompanied by young D.
Dan Judson, of Mazoe Patrol fame , who had recently qualified for his commercial flying licence, and who now joined the company as assistant pilot. The latter will quickly notify our body that it has encountered the same virus again, in which case antibodies will be produced again to attack it.
To date, one of the great unknowns that is being studied is how long these memory cells can protect us against the virus. There are different types of vaccines currently approved and in use and others that are in the later stages of clinical trials. In fact, it is the first time that so many vaccine candidates are being developed simultaneously against the same disease. There are different methods of making vaccines.
The most traditional use the whole virus, either inactivated or attenuated such as polio and measles, respectively or fragments of it such as whooping cough.
There are other slightly more novel methods, in which a harmless empty virus viral vector is used that carries either genes that express proteins or parts of proteins that belong to the virus against which it is intended to create immunity. And other completely new methods such as those that incorporate encapsulation of the genetic material that contains the instructions for making virus-specific proteins.
Both vaccines are quite similar since they both contain the information necessary to synthesize the main antigen of the coronavirus, which is the spike protein S , which is found on the surface of the virus. To put it in other words, this protein is like the key that the virus uses to enter the cells of our body.
Once one of these vaccines is administered, the mRNA enters the cells and serves as a template to generate copies of the S protein. After this process, the cell removes the mRNA.
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